Artist and Empire at the Tate Britain

 Artist and Empire at the Tate Britain

The Tate’s new exhibition concerns Britain’s past as an Imperialist, colonising world power.  At one point Britain ruled a quarter of the world’s entire land mass encompassing cultures as diverse as those of Newfoundland, Canada, the Indian Punjab, Durban in South Africa and Sydney, Australia. Britain’s relationship with its colonies and subject peoples but also with the rest of the world generally is a subject of constant examination and re-examination as the parameters of Nationalism, Imperialism and Colonialism shift and re-integrate only for the pattern to be altered again.  This is clearly an important point to re-consider Britain’s post-colonial development since the decline of a Socialist opponent is apparent but other, more elusive developments continue to appear.

The Tate exhibition is divided into six sections and each section depicts a certain stage in the Imperialist project.  The first room deals with cartography, mapping out areas of newly conquered territory and re-naming salient places and topographical relief with English names rather than native ones (although in the end some awkward synthesis emerges which are apparent and obvious to anyone living in a British colony such as Northern Ireland.).  The first, colony, Ireland, kick starts the exhibition.  The first map shown depicts the Siege of Enniskillen in 1594 by an anonymous cartographer called John Thomas.  (Might it indeed be conjectured that the name of the cartographer was a joke?)  The map is a bird’s eye view of the castle which happens to be on an island lying between two waterways.  The map is complete with the English order of battle, weapon types such as Falcons (light guns) and musketeers (employing muskets, an early firearm), English siege weapons and English ships patrolling the waterway.  The heads of Irish chiefs and kern (foot soldiers) are viewed stuck on pike shafts in the extreme left hand corner of the map in Governor Dowdall’s camp, leader of the Tudor forces.  Violence is pushed to the margins of the map but there is at least some admission of the deeds of the English/British forces at the Siege.  The map is clearly an advertisement for Tudor power yet it also depicts horrors as potent as those committed in Africa, for instance, evocative of the later course of Empire. English involvement in Ireland was complicated by the mutual enmities fostered by the Gaelic rulers of Ireland.  The English were freed from these enmities after the Wars of the Roses had ended centuries of internal division.  Afterwards the English were free to concentrate on their Imperial programme but even more so after the English Civil War of the seventeenth century established a political settlement that was to be imitated everywhere.    

Imperial Heroics is a bold collection of work contrasting the mobilisation of appealing images of Empire with the actuality, mostly propagandistic attempts intent on re-shaping perceptions of events abroad for domestic consumption.  One of these paintings is the debacle at Isandlwana on the 22nd January, 1879.  The painting was completed six years after Isandlwana in 1885 by Charles Edwin Fripp.  The British force was divided in enemy territory, an elementary military error, yet the chaotic finale is shown to be a determined, disciplined and coherent defensive action.  The defeat shocked Victorians.  A British army had been defeated by a larger Zulu force but one that was meant to possess the weapons and tactics of the Neolithic era.  Presumably the Victorians conceived of the Zulus as grass skirted savages yet it was irrelevant that the Zulus happened to be armed with knobkerries (stabbing spears) and shields because such massive blunders, the work of military amateurs, could never work.  Other debacles are re-shaped and re-envisioned for domestic consumption.  Photographs are also used and these depict the consequences of battle.  British casualties are never shown.  The backstories of these are persistently intriguing and it is the tiny details presented by the Tate that often bring the exhibits to life.  For instance, Joseph Noel Patton’s 1858 painting In Memoriam depicts the massacre of women and children at the siege of Cawnpore in 1858, the opening engagement of what came to be known as the Indian Mutiny.  Images of Sepoys attacking a store house filled with terrified women and children had to be replaced with Highland infantry attempting to rescue them.  The truth would have appalled Victorians, there might have been no future volunteer colonialists to run the Empire had the original been exhibited.  Also such images focus on details that convert into propagandistic morsels but fail to mention the causes of the mutiny which were to do with new bullets pragmatically greased with animal fats but anathema to both Muslim and Hindu Sepoys.  The contrast illustrates the difference between two world views that could not be reconciled.   

Today many of these Imperial episodes are only revisited in the films that illuminate Imperial triumphs such as Cy Enfield’s Zulu (1964).  This film describes the skirmish at Rourke’s Drift between some companies of Welsh infantry and English engineers (this is neatly explained and summarised through the clash of personalities of Michael Caine as Lieutenant Gonville Bromhead and Stanley Baker as Lieutenant John Chard) and the victorious impis of King Cetshwayo after Isandlwana.  It took more than a decade for Zulu Dawn (1979) to be made and an attempt to revise the debacle by creating a sympathetic role for American superstar Burt Lancaster.  Lancaster’s more pragmatic approach to the chaos contrasts neatly with the arrogant stupidity of the British command represented by British actors such as Peter O’Toole as Lord Chelmsford and John Mills as Sir Henry Bartle Frere who convey the superior stiff upper lip but also their capacity to be morons.  A further film Khartoum (1966) starring another American superstar, Charlton Heston as General Gordon, ties in with George William Joy’s painting of the death of Gordon at the hands of the followers of the Mahdi.  The Sudanese “rebels” are depicted as religious fanatics hurling themselves upon the Maxim guns of the British army at the Battle of Omdurman and finding their utter rout incomprehensible.  Hillaire Belloc’s pithy saying comes to mind when explaining the superiority of British forces facing native armies: “we had the Maxim gun and they had not.”  No mention of these films is made in the exhibition which seems to have failed to catch up with film art.  This would have offered a further dimension, Hollywood’s attempt to incorporate the legacy of British Imperialism as a plausibly American narrative. 

Power Dressing really speaks for itself, consisting of portraits of cross dressing Britons in native garb.  The first painting is of Captain Thomas Lee in Elizabethan dress but bare legged like an Irish Kern (an alternate explanation for Lee’s exhibitionism is that Lee had recently been widowed and was now back on the marriage market.  Since he was by this stage in his life 43 years old he was hardly a young man, his bare legs may have been an advertisement of potency.).  The painting was completed in 1594 by Marcus Gheeraerts II.  The portrait has clearly been influenced by classical works such as the Apollo Belvedere.  The image is carefully constructed and meant to send a clear message to both colonialist and colonised.  But a bolder human presence is imagined that subtly insists on the ability of colonialists to replace or even combine with the natives.

Although most of the portraits are male Englishmen in drag as natives an exception is the transformation of Pocahontas into an Elizabethan.  Pocahontas arrived in England in 1616.  In the work by the Dutch engraver Simon de Passe completed in 1616 she seems unhappy in fact it is hard to believe that this is a woman who was only 21 at the time the painting was made.  Pocahontas was not abducted and came to England of her own accord, leaving behind a husband and a young child.  In England she married and then became known as Rebecca Rolfe.  She died at Gravesend aged only 22 when attempting to depart by ship back to Virginia.   Unlike the portraits in the previous room the image of Pocahontas is a miniature.  She is dressed in sophisticated Elizabethan garb which seems to be masculine garb.  This contributes to the overall discomfiting feeling generated by the image.  The unhappiness of Pocahontas may also be as a consequence of her wearing male garb but there is clearly some discourse of cross-dressing embedded in these portraits, of people unhappily occupying an identity which could be gender, sexuality or nationality that they wish to throw off.  One way to do this was to surrender to a different culture.  This encounter, which we witness in the lives of diverse Imperialist characters and putative heroes, such as Richard Dadd or T.E.Lawrence, is fraught with the nightmarish possibility of being an outsider rejected by both cultures.  

The importance of native art, particularly the Benin bronzes which shocked the Victorians since they conceived of Africans as primitives and brutes removed from the fruits of so-called western civilisation, is also depicted.  The Victorians wondered how Africans could create complex works of art just as they were shocked and horrified by their army’s defeat at Isandlwana.  But the casting methods and techniques demonstrate that some Africans were just as developed as Europeans and far from being unevolved Neolithic throw backs.  The power of Imperialist propaganda is a key theme of this exhibition, how it functioned to persuade and depict disasters as triumphs.  It depicts openly and honestly the legacy of Imperialism which is still unfolding.  Imperials reverses and counter intuitive revelations such as the Benin bronzes constitute the subtly delineated dialogue between colonist and colonised that is presented in this exhibition which is recommended as a starting point for those wishing to understand the why and wherefore of modern Britain. 

Paul Murphy, Tate Britain, February 2016

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